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Сурова одмазда због устанка учинила је да "Четрнаести децембар" буде дан који ће дуго памтити каснији револуционарни покрети. Како би се сузбили будући устанци, школе и универзитети су били под сталним надзором. Полицијски шпијуни су били свуда. Потенцијални револуционари су послати у Сибир; за време Николе I стотине хиљада их је послато тамо у радне логоре.
Сурова одмазда због устанка учинила је да "Четрнаести децембар" буде дан који ће дуго памтити каснији револуционарни покрети. Како би се сузбили будући устанци, школе и универзитети су били под сталним надзором. Полицијски шпијуни су били свуда. Потенцијални револуционари су послати у Сибир; за време Николе I стотине хиљада их је послато тамо у радне логоре.


У оваквој ситуацији се појављује [[Mајкл Бакунин]] као отац [[анархизма]]. Из Русије одлази у Западну Европу [[1842]], где постаје активиста социјалистичког покрета. После учешћа у [[Мајском устанку у Дрездену ]] [[1849]], заробљен је и послат у Сибир, али успева да побегне и да се врати у Европу. У Еврпои уједињује снаге са [[Kaрл Марксом ]], упркос значајним идеолошким и тактичким разликама.
У оваквој ситуацији се појављује [[Mихајл Бакуњин]] као отац [[анархизма]]. Из Русије одлази у Западну Европу [[1842]], где постаје активиста социјалистичког покрета. После учешћа у [[Мајском устанку у Дрездену ]] [[1849]], заробљен је и послат у Сибир, али успева да побегне и да се врати у Европу. У Еврпои уједињује снаге са [[Kaрл Марксом ]], упркос значајним идеолошким и тактичким разликама.


Питање усмерења Русије је било актуелно још од програма вестернизације Петра Великог. Једни су били присталице имитирања Европе, док су други окретали леђа Западу и тражили повратак традиционалној прошлости. Ову другу стазу су утабали [[Славофилии]] који су распламсали презир према "декадентном" Западу. Славофили су били противници бирократије, давали су предност [[колективизму]] [[средњевековног]] руског''[[мира]]'' и сеоској заједници над [[индивидуализмом ]] Запада. Касније ће, [[ комунизам ]] у Совјетској Русији имати велики дуг не само према доктрини Карла Маркса, већ и према дугоустановљеном друштвеном обрасцу ''мира''.
Питање усмерења Русије је било актуелно још од програма вестернизације Петра Великог. Једни су били присталице имитирања Европе, док су други окретали леђа Западу и тражили повратак традиционалној прошлости. Ову другу стазу су утабали [[Славофилии]] који су распламсали презир према "декадентном" Западу. Славофили су били противници бирократије, давали су предност [[колективизму]] [[средњевековног]] руског''[[мира]]'' и сеоској заједници над [[индивидуализмом ]] Запада. Касније ће, [[ комунизам ]] у Совјетској Русији имати велики дуг не само према доктрини Карла Маркса, већ и према дугоустановљеном друштвеном обрасцу ''мира''.

Верзија на датум 21. март 2006. у 16:57

Рана историја

Рани Источни Словени

Преци Руса су била старословенска племена која су се у миграцији ка западу населила између Карпата и реке Дон.

Хазарија

Хазари су били турско племе које је насељавало доњу ток реке Волге, између Каспијског и Црног мора од 7. до 13. века. У 8. веку Хазари су примили Јудаизам. Итил је био главни град њихове државе.

Олег ратник се спустио на југ из Новогорада и протерао Хазаре из Кијева и основао Кијевску русију.

Кијевска Русија

Датотека:Sophia iznutri.jpg
Византијски утицај на руску архитектуру је видљив на Катедрали Свете Софије у Кијеву, коју је у 11. веку подигао Јарослав Мудри.

Прва руска држава, Кијевска Русија је настала 862. године на челу са династијом Рјуриковичеј (Рюриковичей). Главни град је био Кијев. Захваљујући кнезу Владимиру прихватила је хришћанство од Византије 988. године. Након смрти Јарослава Мудрог 1054. године почео је распад ове државе на мања кнежевства.

Предходници Руса су били Словени. Словени су мигрирали на запад и населили земљу коју су у миграцијама напустили Германи. Заузели су земљу између Карпата и реке Дон.

Кијевски Руси су створили словенску варијанту Православног хришћанства, на тај начин продубљујући синтезу византијске и словенске културе.

У 11. веку, нарочито током владавине Јарослава Мудрог, Кијевска Русија је доживела процват у економији, архитектури и литерарном стваралаштву.

Номадски турски народ Кипчаки су освојили јужну Русију крајем 11. века и створили номадску државу на обали Црног мора.

Волга Булгариа

Главни чланак: Волга Булгариа

Волга Булгариа је била неславенска држава у средњем току Волге. Након монголске инвазије постаје део Златне хорде. У 10. веку становници примају ислам. У 16. веку, под Иваном Грозним, Русија је заузела те територије.

Инвазија Монгола

Инвазија Монгола је убрзала распад Кијевске Русије. Након битке на реци Калка 1223. године у којој су се сукобили Руси и Монголи, Монголи су забележили велику победу. Заузели су Кијев 1240. и наставили поход ка западу зузимајући Пољску и Мађарску. Од свих руских провинција је једино Новогорад избегао окупацију.

Последице инвазије Монгола су биле огромне. Око половине становника Русије је погинуло у нападу. Центри попут Кијева се никада нису опоравили од разарања. Избеглице које су напустиле јужну Русију су углавном населиле подручје између Волге и Ока. То је регион који је представљао језгро средњовековне Русије.

Златна Хорда

Главни чланак: Златна хордa

Александар Невски

Mонголи су доминирали Русијом из своје западне престонице у Сарају на реци Волги, у близини данашњег Волгограда. Принчеви јужне и источне Русије су морали да плаћају данак Монголима, често називаним Tатари, или Златна Хорда; али су за узврат добијали повеље које су их овлашћавале као заменике канова. Генерално посматрано, принчеви су имали велику слободу да владају по својој вољи. Један од њих, Aлександар Нeвски, принц Владимира, је средином 13-ог века стекао статус хероја захваљујући победама над витезовима Тевтонског реда, Швеђанима и Литванцима. Православна црква и принчеви су већу опасност видели у Западу него у Монголима. Невски је од Монгола добио протекцију и помоћ у борбама против освајача са Запада који су, у нади да ће извући корист из слома Русије након инвазије Монгола, нападали њихову територију. И поред тога, наследници Невског ће се касније дићи против татарске власти.

Монголи су извршили велики утицај на руску војну тактику и допринели су развоју трговинских путева. Под монголском окупацијом, Московска Русија је развила мрежу поштанских путева, повећала прираштај, развила фискални систем и војну организацију. Источни утицај ће остати јак све до 18-ог века, када руски владари настоје да вестернизују земљу.

Московска Кнежевина

Главни чланак: Московска Кнежевина

Успон Москве

Данило Александрович, најмлађи син Невског, је основао кнежевину у граду Москви, да би протерао Тартаре из Русије. Најпре је Московска Кнежевина била у вазалком односу према Владимиру, да би касније постала независна. Велики фактор у успону Московске кнежевине је била сарадња са монголским владарима.

Средином 14. века снага Монгола је опадала и Велики Кнез је био у могућности да им се отворено супростави. 1380. године у Куликову на Дону кан је поражен и иако то није означило крај монголске доминације у Русији, донело је славу Великом Кнезу. Водство Москве у Русији је било учвршћено, а територија је средином 14. века знатно проширена.

Иван III Велики

У 15. веку, Велики Кнез је почео да уједињује руске земље под својом влашћу. Најзаслужнији за овај процес је био Иван III, (14621505), који је створио темеље Русије. Иван је удвостручио територију Русије доводећи већину северних земаља под власт Москве. Одбио је да плаћа данак Монголима и Татарима и серијом напада отворио пут потпуном уништењу Златне Хорде.

Као национални циљ, Иван је одредио враћање свих руских територија које су изгубљене као резултат монголских инвазија.

Иван је водио дуги рат са Литванијом око неких територија у горњем Дњепру који је завршио 1503. године. Под његовом владавином Московска кнежевина је утростручила своју територију.

Иван IV Грозни

Иван Грозни

Иван IV је први Московски Кнез коју се прогласио за "цара."

Развој царске аутократије је достигао врхунац у периоду између 15471584, за време Ивана Грозног. Иван Грозни је ојачао позицију цара као апсолутног господара, који је сво племство потчинио својој вољи, погубивши многе и због најмање непослушности. Иван Грозни је направио цркву која се још увек налази на Црвеном тргу у Москви. Крајем 16. века руски козаци су направили прва насеља у западном Сибиру.

Време невоља

Смрт Ивана Грозног 1584. године је довела до периода грађанских ратова.

За то време је изгубљено много територија које су заузели Пољско-литвански комонвелт и Шведска. Опоравак Русије је започео средином 17. века након успешних ратова са Пољацима и Литванцима (16541667) када су Руси заузели Смоленск, Кијев и источну Украјину.

Романови

Датотека:Ryabushkin 17centMoscow.JPG
Слика Москве из 17. века

Ред је успостављен 1613 када је Михаил Романов пранећак Ивана Грозног, изабран на престо. Династија Романових је владала Русијом до 1917. године.

Први задатак нове династије је био успостављање реда. Срећом по Русе, њихови највећи непријатељи Пољско-литвански комонвелт и Шведска су у то време били у рату између себе, тако да су Руси закључили мир са Шведском 1617 и примирје са Пољацима 1619.

Буна сељака

У време када су буне сељака биле реткост у Русији се догодила нејвећа сељачка буна у Европи у 17. веку 1667. године. Када су се Козаци побунили против централизације државе, придружили су им се и сељаци и побегли од земљопоседника да би им се придружили. Козак Стенка Разин је предводио следбенике уз Волгу, бунећи сељаке и мењајући локалну власт козачком. Царска армија је сломила устанак 1670. године. Годину дана касније Стенка је заробљен и погубљен.

Царска Русија

Главни чланак Царска Русија

Петар Велики

Петар I Велики (16721725), је очврснуо аутокрацију у Русији и одиграо велику улогу у стварању државе по европском систему. Русија је била највећа земља на свету величине три Европе простирала се на површини од Балтичког мора до Тихог океана. Средином 17. века створена су прва руска насеља на Тихом океану. У то доба Русија је имала само 14 милиона становника од којих је само мали део живео у градовима.

Петар је био дубоко импресиониран напредном технологијом, војном вештином и државништвом Запада. Проучавао је западну тактику и утврђивање (фортификацију) и изградио је снажну армију од 300,000 својих поданика, који су били војни обвезници цели живот. Од 1697-1698, био је први руски принц који је икада посетио Запад. Та посета ће на њега и његову пратњу оставити велики утисак. Петар добија титулу цара и Московска Русија званично постаје Руско царство1721 године.

Петрови први војни циљеви су били усмерени против Отоманског царства. Касније преусмерава пажњу ка северу. Петру је недостајала сигурна морска лука на северу, поред луке Aрханђел на Белом мору, која је годишње девет месеци била под ледом. Излаз на Балтик блокирала је Шведска. Жеља за излазом на море навела га је да 1699 склопи тајни савез са Пољско-Литванским Комонвелтом и Данском против Шведске, што је довело до Великог Северног рата. Рат је окончан 1721 када је исцрпљена Шведска затражила мир. Петар је добио четири провинције на југу и истоку Финског залива, обезбеђујући тако себи дуго жељени излаз на море. Ту је подигао нову руску престоницу, Санкт Петерсбург, као "прозор ка Европи" који ће заменити Москву, која је дуго била руски културни центар.

The strains of Peter's military expeditions produced another revolt. Invoking the name of populist rebel Stenka Razin, another Cossack chieftain Kondraty Bulavin raised a revolt, ultimately crushed.

Петар је реорганизовао државу у складу са најновијим моделима са Запада и претворио Русију у апсолутистичку државу. Заменио је стару бољарску Думу (савет племства) сенатом од девет чланова, који је био врховно веће државе. Села су подељена на нове провинције и округе. Петар је рекао сенату да је њихова функција да убирају порезе. За време његове владавине приходи од пореза су се утростручили. Као део реформи, Православна црква је делимично инкорпорирана у административну структуру државе, и тако постала оруђе државе. Петар је укинуо патријархат и заменио га заједничким телом, Светим Синодом, којим су управљали државни званичници. У међувремену су отклоњени остаци локалне самоуправе, а Петар је наставио и интензивирао захтеве његових претходника за државном службом за сво племство.

Петар је умро 1725, остављајући несређено питање око наследства. Његова владавина је отворила питања заосталости Русије, њеног односа са Западом и друге фундаменталне проблеме са којима су морали да се суоче многи владари који су дошли после њега. Ипак, он је поставио темеље модерне државе у Русији.

1725–1825

Скоро педесет година је требало да прође пре него што ће се на руском престолу појавити тако амбициозан и окрутан владар. Катарина II , Катарина Велика је била немачка принцеза која се удала за руског престолонаследника. Када је открила да је он неспособна будала, Катарина је дала прећутну дозволу за његово убиство. Објављено је да је умро од "апоплексије", и 1762 Катарина је постала владар.

Катарина је допринела оживљавању руског племства које је започето после смрти Петра Великог. Укинута је државна служба и племићи су добили већину државних функција у провинцијама.

Catherine the Great extended Russian political control over the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth with actions including the support of the Targowica confederation, although the cost of her campaigns, on top of the oppressive social system that required lords' serfs to spend almost all of their time laboring on the lords' land, provoked a major peasant uprising in 1773, after Catherine legalized the selling of serfs separate from land. Inspired by another Cossack named Pugachev, with the emphatic cry of "Hang all the landlords!" the rebels threatened to take Moscow before they were ruthlessly suppressed. Catherine had Pugachev drawn and quartered in Red Square, but the specter of revolution continued to haunt her and her successors.

Док је потискивала руско сељаштво, Катарина се успешно борила у са ослабљеним Отоманским царством и проширила јужну границу Русије ка Црном мору. Правећи завере са владарима Аустријског царства и Пруске, за време Подела Пољске присвојила је половину Пољско-Литванског Комонвелта и померила руску границу ка западу у Централну Европу. До њене смрти, 1796, Катаринина експанзионистичка политика ће Русију претворити у једну од највећих европских сила. То ће се наставити са Aлександром I који ће присвојити Финску од ослабљеног краљевства Шведске 1809.

Наполеон I је направио велику грешку када је после расправе са царом Александром I кренуо у освајење царске Русије 1812 године. Овај поход је био катастрофалан. Иако је Наполеонова Велика војска допрела до Москве, руска стратегија scorched-earth је онемогућила освајачима да живе од земље. Због ужасно хладног руског времена, хиљаде француских трупа су умрле на снегу. 1813 руска војска је поразила француску у Немачкој и ушла у Париз.

Иако ће Руско царство играти водећу политичку улогу током следећег века, коју му је загарантовала победа над Наполеоновом Француском, задржавање вазалства је онемогућило било какав економски прогрес. Док је економски развој Западне Европе убрзан за време Индустријске револуције, која је отпочела у другој половини 18-ог века, Русија све више заостаје, стварајући нове проблеме за царство као велику силу.

Царска Русија до Октобарске револуције

Децембарска револуција

Иако је Русија била велика сила, њена влада је у многочему била неефикасна, народ сиромашан, а економија неразвијена. Након победе над Наполеоном, Александар I је имао у виду уставне реформе. Иако је неке покушао да спроведе, праве промене нису ни покушане. Релативно либералних убеђења био је Никола I (руски цар) (1825.–1855. године), који је био у почетку своје владавине суочен са устанком. Позадина овог устанка лежи у Наполеонским ратовима када је велики број војних официра путовао у Европу у оквиру војних похода, где их је контакт са либерализмом Западне Европе подстрекао да потраже промене на повратку у аутократску Русију. Резултат овога је био Децембарски устанак (Децембар 1825), као дело малог круга либералних племића и војних официра који су желели да устоличе Николиног брата као уставног монарха. Међутим, устанак је лако угушен, због чега је Никола морао да одустане од програма вестернизације који је започео Петар Велики, и заштити максималну "Аутократију, Православље, и Поштовање народа". Руски цар је такође морао да се обрачуна са устанцима у новостеченим теритиријама Пољско-Литванског Комонвелта: Новембарски устанак 1830, и Јануарски устанак 1863.

Шизма и реакција

Михаил Бакуњин

Сурова одмазда због устанка учинила је да "Четрнаести децембар" буде дан који ће дуго памтити каснији револуционарни покрети. Како би се сузбили будући устанци, школе и универзитети су били под сталним надзором. Полицијски шпијуни су били свуда. Потенцијални револуционари су послати у Сибир; за време Николе I стотине хиљада их је послато тамо у радне логоре.

У оваквој ситуацији се појављује Mихајл Бакуњин као отац анархизма. Из Русије одлази у Западну Европу 1842, где постаје активиста социјалистичког покрета. После учешћа у Мајском устанку у Дрездену 1849, заробљен је и послат у Сибир, али успева да побегне и да се врати у Европу. У Еврпои уједињује снаге са Kaрл Марксом , упркос значајним идеолошким и тактичким разликама.

Питање усмерења Русије је било актуелно још од програма вестернизације Петра Великог. Једни су били присталице имитирања Европе, док су други окретали леђа Западу и тражили повратак традиционалној прошлости. Ову другу стазу су утабали Славофилии који су распламсали презир према "декадентном" Западу. Славофили су били противници бирократије, давали су предност колективизму средњевековног рускогмира и сеоској заједници над индивидуализмом Запада. Касније ће, комунизам у Совјетској Русији имати велики дуг не само према доктрини Карла Маркса, већ и према дугоустановљеном друштвеном обрасцу мира.

Александар II

Tsar Nicholas died with his philosophy in dispute. One year earlier, Russia had become involved in the Crimean War, a conflict fought primarily in the Crimean peninsula. Since playing a major role in the defeat of Napoleon, Russia had been regarded as militarily invincible, but the reverses it suffered on land and sea in the Crimean War exposed the decay and weakness of Tsar Nicholas' regime.

When Alexander II came to the throne in 1855, desire for reform was widespread. A growing humanitarian movement, which in later years has been likened to that of the abolitionists in the United States before the American Civil War, attacked serfdom. In 1859, there were more than 23 million serfs living under conditions frequently worse than those of the peasants of western Europe on 16th century manors. Alexander II made up his own mind to abolish serfdom from above rather than wait for it to be abolished from below through revolution.

The emancipation of the serfs in 1861 was the single most important event in 19th century Russian history. It was the beginning of the end for the landed aristocracy's monopoly of power. Emancipation brought a supply of free labor to the cities, industry was stimulated, and the middle class grew in number and influence; however, instead of receiving their lands as a gift, the freed peasants had to pay a special tax for what amounted to their lifetime to the government, which in turn paid the landlords a generous price for the land that they had lost. In numerous instances the peasants wound up with the poorest land. All the land turned over to the peasants was owned collectively by the mir, the village community, which divided the land among the peasants and supervised the various holdings.

Although serfdom was abolished, since its abolition was achieved on terms unfavorable to the peasants, revolutionary tensions were not abated, despite Alexander II's intentions.

In 1876 Turkish empire suppressed revolt in Bulgaria. the Bulgarian population became a victim of repressions and in 1878-1879 Russia was at war against Turkey. The English fleet interfered to occupation of Constantinople. The disappointment as a result of war stimulated revolutionary tensions.

Нихилизам

In the 1860s a movement known as Nihilism developed in Russia. For some time many Russian liberals had been dissatisfied by the empty discussions of the intelligentsia. The Nihilists questioned all old values, championed the independence of the individual, and shocked the Russian establishment.

The Nihilists first attempted to convert the aristocracy to the cause of reform. Failing there, they turned to the peasants. Their "go to the people" campaign became known as the Narodnik movement.

While the Narodnik movement was gaining momentum, the government quickly moved to extirpate it. In response to the growing reaction of the government, a radical branch of the Narodniks advocated and practiced terrorism. One after another, prominent officials were shot or killed by bombs. Finally, after several attempts, Alexander II was assassinated in 1881, on the very day he had approved a proposal to call a representative assembly to consider new reforms in addition to the abolition of serfdom designed to ameliorate revolutionary demands.

Автократија и реакција под Александром III

Портрет цара Александра III (1886)

За разлику од свог оца, нови цар Александар III (руски цар)|Александар III (1881. - 1894. године) био је убеђени реакционар који је владао под девизом: Самодржавље, Православље и Национализам, девизом која је била на снази у време Николе I. Александар III, убеђени славофил, веровао је да Русија може бити поштеђена хаоса уколико се одупре субверзивним утицајима са запада, као што су штетне идеологије (анархизам, социјализам, нихилизам).

The tsar's most influential adviser was Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev, tutor to Alexander III and his son Nicholas, and procurator of the Holy Synod from 1880 to 1895. He taught his royal pupils to fear freedom of speech and press and to hate democracy, constitutions, and the parliamentary system. Under Pobedonostsev, revolutionaries were hunted down and a policy of Russification was carried out throughout the empire. In his reign Russia has concluded the union with republican France and has received the French credits for development of the industry.

Николај II

Alexander was succeeded by his son Nicholas II (18941917). The Industrial Revolution, which began to exert a significant influence in Russia, was meanwhile creating forces that would finally overthrow the tsar. The liberal elements among the industrial capitalists and nobility believed in peaceful social reform and a constitutional monarchy, forming the Constitutional Democrats, or Kadets. Social revolutionaries combined the Narodnik tradition and advocated the distribution of land among those who actually worked it—the peasants. Another radical group was the Social Democrats, exponents of Marxism in Russia. Gathering their support from the radical intellectuals and the urban working class, they advocated complete social, economic and political revolution.

In 1903 the party split into two wings—the Mensheviks, or moderates, and the Bolsheviks, the radicals. The Mensheviks believed that Russian socialism would grow gradually and peacefully and that the tsar’s regime should be succeeded by a democratic republic in which the socialists would cooperate with the liberal bourgeois parties. The Bolsheviks, under Vladimir Lenin, advocated the formation of a small elite of professional revolutionists, subject to strong party discipline, to act as the vanguard of the proletariat in order to seize power by force.2

The disastrous performance of the Russian armed forces in the Russo-Japanese War (19041905) was a major blow to the Tsarist regime and increased the potential for unrest. In January 1905, an incident known as "Bloody Sunday" occurred when Father Gapon led an enormous crowd to the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg to present a petition to the tsar. When the procession reached the palace, Cossacks opened fire on the crowd, killing hundreds. The Russian masses were so aroused over the massacre that a general strike was declared demanding a democratic republic. This marked the beginning of the Russian Revolution of 1905. Soviets (councils of workers) appeared in most cities to direct revolutionary activity. Russia was paralyzed, and the government was desperate.

In October 1905, Nicholas reluctantly issued the famous October Manifesto, which conceded the creation of a national Duma (legislature) to be called without delay. The right to vote was extended and no law was to go into force without confirmation by the Duma. The moderate groups were satisfied; but the socialists rejected the concessions as insufficient and tried to organize new strikes. By the end of 1905, there was disunity among the reformers, and the tsar's position was strengthened for the time being.

Руска револуција

Main article: Russian Revolution of 1917

Датотека:Soviet Union, Lenin (55).jpg
Лењин по повратку у Петроград

Tsar Nicholas II and his subjects entered World War I with enthusiasm and patriotism, with the defense of Russia's fellow Orthodox Slavs, the Serbs, as the main battle cry. August 1914: Not having finished mobilization Russian army entered Germany to support the French armies. However, the weaknesses of the Russian economy and the inefficiency and corruption in government were hidden only for a brief period under a cloak of fervent nationalism. Military reversals and the government's incompetence soon soured much of the population. German control of the Baltic Sea and German-Ottoman control of the Black Sea severed Russia from most of its foreign supplies and potential markets.

By the middle of 1915 the impact of the war was demoralizing. Food and fuel were in short supply, casualties were staggering, and inflation was mounting. Strikes increased among low-paid factory workers, and the peasants, who wanted land reforms, were restless. Meanwhile, public distrust of the regime was deepened by reports that a semiliterate mystic, Grigory Rasputin, had great political influence within the government. His assassination in late 1916 ended the scandal but did not restore the autocracy's lost prestige.

In 1916 armament of Russian armies improved. Russian armies battled against German, austro-hungarian, turkish armies on wide front from Baltic sea up to Transcaucasia and hold down up to half of military forces of the Central Powers.

On March 3, 1917, a strike occurred in a factory in the capital Petrograd (formerly St. Petersburg). Within a week nearly all the workers in the city were idle, and street fighting broke out. When the tsar dismissed the Duma and ordered strikers to return to work, his orders triggered the February Revolution.

The Duma refused to disband, the strikers held mass meetings in defiance of the regime, and the army openly sided with the workers. A few days later a provisional government headed by Prince Lvov was named by the Duma. The following day the tsar abdicated. Meanwhile, the socialists in Petrograd had formed a soviet (council) of workers and soldiers' deputies to provide them with the power that they lacked in the Duma.

In July, the head of the provisional government resigned and was succeeded by Alexander Kerensky, who was more progressive than his predecessor but not radical enough for the Bolsheviks. While Kerensky's government marked time, the Marxist soviet in Petrograd extended its organization throughout the country by setting up local soviets. Meanwhile, Kerensky made the fatal mistake of continuing to commit Russia to the war, a policy extremely unpopular with the masses.

Lenin returned to Russia from exile in Switzerland, with the help of Germany, which hoped that widespread strife would cause Russia to withdraw from the war. A tumultuous reception by thousands of peasants, workers, and soldiers took place as Lenin's train rolled into the station. After many behind-the-scenes maneuvers, the soviets seized control of the government in November 1917, and drove Kerensky and his moderate provisional government into exile, in the events that would become known as the October Revolution.

When the national assembly, which met in January 1918, refused to become a rubber-stamp of the Bolsheviks, it was dissolved by Lenin's troops. With the dissolution of the constituent assembly, all vestiges of bourgeois democracy were removed. With the handicap of the moderate opposition removed, Lenin was able to free his regime from the war problem by the harsh Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (1918) with Germany, with great sacrifice of Russian territory.

Руски грађански рат

Main article: Russian Civil War

A powerful group of counterrevolutionaries termed the White movement began to organize to topple the Bolsheviks. At the same time the Allied powers sent several expeditionary armies to Russia to support the anti-Communist forces. The Allies feared that the Bolsheviks were in a conspiracy with the Germans because of Brest-Litovsk; they also hoped that the White Russians might renew hostilities against Germany. In the fall of 1918 the Bolshevik regime was in a perilous position, opposed by Russia's former allies and internal enemies, as well as in sporadic conflict with short-lived nationalist republics in Belarus and Ukraine and anarchist forces.

To counteract this emergency, a reign of terror was begun within Russia as the Red Army and the Cheka (the secret police) destroyed all enemies of the revolution. However lofty their goals were, the Bolsheviks did not have the consent of all elements of society and thus had to force their rule over Russia during the civil war. They swept away the tsarist secret police, so despised by Russians of all political persuasions, along with other tsarist institutions, but ensured the survival of their own regime by replacing it with a political police of considerably greater dimensions, both in the scope of its authority and in the severity of its methods. By 1920 all White resistance had been crushed, foreign armies evacuated, and Bolshevik governments established in Belarus, Ukraine, and the Caucasus, but at the cost of perpetuating Russia's long pattern of autocratic rule in new forms.

As Russia was bogged down in civil war, the frontiers between Poland and Russia were not clearly defined by the postwar Treaty of Versailles and were further rendered chaotic by the civil war. The Polish-Soviet War (1919–1921), which ended with the defeat of the Red Army, determined the borders between Soviet Russia and Poland.

СССР

Main article: Историја СССРа

Настанак СССРа

The history of Russia between 1922 and 1991 is essentially the history of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or Soviet Union. This ideologically-based union, established in December 1922 by the leaders of the Russian Communist Party, was roughly coterminous with the Russian Empire. At that time, the new nation included four constituent republics: the Russian SFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, Belarusian SSR, and the Transcaucasian SFSR.

The constitution, adopted in 1924, established a federal system of government based on a succession of soviets set up in villages, factories, and cities in larger regions. This pyramid of soviets in each constituent republic culminated in the All-Union Congress of Soviets. But while it appeared that the congress exercised sovereign power, this body was actually governed by the Communist Party, which in turn was controlled by the Politburo from Moscow, the capital of the Soviet Union, just as it had been under the tsars before Peter the Great.

Комунизам

The period from the consolidation of the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 until 1921 is known as the period of war communism. Banks, railroads, and shipping were nationalized and the money economy was restricted. Strong opposition soon developed. The peasants wanted cash payments for their products and resented having to surrender their surplus grain to the government as a part of its civil war policies. Confronted with peasant opposition, Lenin began a strategic retreat from war communism known as the New Economic Policy (NEP). The peasants were freed from wholesale levies of grain and allowed to sell their surplus produce in the open market. Commerce was stimulated by permitting private retail trading. The state continued to be responsible for banking, transportation, heavy industry, and public utilities.

Although the left opposition among the Communists criticized the rich peasants or kulaks who benefited from the NEP, the program proved highly beneficial and the economy revived. The NEP would later come under increasing opposition from within the party following Lenin's death in early 1924.

Промене у руском друштву

While the Russian economy was being transformed, the social life of the people underwent equally drastic changes. From the beginning of the revolution, the government attempted to weaken patriarchal domination of the family. Divorce no longer required court procedure; and to make women completely free of the responsibilities of childbearing, abortion was made legal as early as 1920. As a side effect, the emancipation of the women increased the labor market. Girls were encouraged to secure an education and pursue a career in the factory or the office. Communal nurseries were set up for the care of small children and efforts were made to shift the center of people's social life from the home to educational and recreational groups, the soviet clubs.

The regime abandoned the tsarist policy of discriminating against national minorities in favor of a policy of incorporating the more than two hundred minority groups into Soviet life. Another feature of the regime was the extension of medical services. Campaigns were carried out against typhus, cholera, and malaria; the number of doctors was increased as rapidly as facilities and training would permit; and infant mortality rates rapidly decreased while life expectancy rapidly increased.

The government also promoted atheism and materialism, which formed the basis of Marxist theory. It opposed organized religion, especially in order to break the power of the Russian Orthodox Church, a former pillar of the old tsarist regime and a major barrier to social change. Many religious leaders were sent to internal exile camps. Members of the party were forbidden to attend religious services. The education system was separated from the Church. Religious teaching was prohibited except in the home and atheist instruction was stressed in the schools.

Индустријализација

The construction of steel-producing city of Magnitogorsk in 1932 appears above. Magnitogorsk was at the forefront of Stalin's Five-Year Plans in the 1930s.

The years from 1929 to 1939 comprised a tumultuous decade in Russian history—a period of massive industrialization and internal struggles as Joseph Stalin established near total control over Russian society, wielding unrestrained power unknown to even the most ambitious tsars. Following Lenin's death Stalin wrestled for control of the Soviet Union with rival factions in the Politburo, especially Leon Trotsky's. By 1928, with the Trotskyists either exiled or rendered powerless, Stalin was ready to put a radical program of industrialization into action.

In 1928 Stalin proposed the first Five-Year Plan. Abolishing the NEP, it was the first of a number of plans aimed at swift accumulation of capital resources though the buildup of heavy industry, the collectivization of agriculture, and the restricted manufacture of consumer goods. With the implementation of the plan, for the first time in history a government controlled all economic activity. While in the capitalist countries factories and mines were idle or running on reduced schedules during the Great Depression and millions were unemployed, the Soviet people worked many hours a day, six days a week, in a thoroughgoing attempt to revolutionize the Soviet economic structure.

As a part of the plan, the government took control of agriculture through the state and collective farms. By a decree of February 1930, about one million "kulaks" were forced off their land. Many peasants strongly opposed regimentation by the state, often slaughtering their herds when faced with the loss of their land. In some sections they revolted, and countless peasants deemed "kulaks" by the authorities were executed. The combination of bad weather, deficiencies of the hastily-established collective farms, and massive confiscation of grain precipitated a serious famine, and several million peasants died of starvation, mostly in Ukraine and Kuban. The deteriorating conditions in the countryside drove millions of desperate peasants to the rapidly growing cities, fuelling industrialization, and vastly increasing Russia's urban population in the space of just a few years.

The plans received remarkable results in areas aside from agriculture. Russia, in many measures the poorest nation in Europe at the time of the Bolshevik Revolution, now industrialized at a phenomenal rate, far surpassing Germany's pace of industrialization in the nineteenth century and Japan's earlier in the twentieth century. Soviet authorities claimed in 1932 an increase of industrial output of 334 percent over 1914, and in 1937 a further increase of 180 percent over 1932. Moreover, the survival of Russia in the face of the impending Nazi onslaught was made possible in part through the capacity for production that was the outcome of industrialization.

While the Five-Year Plans were forging ahead, Stalin was establishing his personal power. The secret police gathered in tens of thousands of Soviet citizens to face arrest, deportation, or execution. Of the six original members of the 1920 Politburo who survived Lenin, all were purged by Stalin. Old Bolsheviks who had been loyal comrades of Lenin, high officers in the Red Army, and directors of industry were liquidated in the Great Purges. Purges in other Soviet republics also helped centralize control in the USSR.

Stalin's repressions led to the creation of a vast system of internal exile, of considerably greater dimensions than those set up in the past by the tsars. Draconian penalties were introduced and many citizens were prosecuted for fictitious crimes of sabotage and espionage. The labor provided by convicts working in the labor camps of the Gulag system became an important component of the industrialization effort, especially in Siberia. Perhaps around five percent of the population passed through the Gulag system.

Совјетски савез у међународним односима

Други светски рат

Датотека:Soviet Reichstag.gif
Marking the Soviet Union's victory, a soldier raises the Soviet flag over the German Reichstag in the Nazi capital, Berlin

Till 1939 the USSR was in strong opposition to nazi Germany, supported republicans of Spain who struggled against German and Italian troops. However in 1938 Germany signed the Munich treaty together with the Western Powers and together with Poland divided Czechoslovakia. The Soviet government being afraid of a German attack to the USSR began diplomatic maneuvers. In 1939 Poland refused to participate in any measures of collective safety and then USSR signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact with Nazi Germany. On September, 17 1939 when German armies were in 150 kilometers from the Soviet border, the Soviet army invaded eastern portions of Poland populated ethnic Ukrainians and Belorussians. USSR fought a war with Finland known as the Winter War (1939–40). It was won by the Soviet Union, the aggressor, which gained part of the Karelian Isthmus. Despite Stalin's efforts to stay out of a war against Germany, Germany declared war on the Soviet Union and swept across the border on June 22, 1941. By November the German army had seized Ukraine, begun its siege of Leningrad, and threatened to capture the capital, Moscow, itself.

However, the Soviet victory at the Battle of Stalingrad proved decisive, reversing the course of the entire war. After losing this battle the Germans lacked the strength to sustain their offensive operations against the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union held the initiative for the rest of the war. By the end of 1943, the Red Army had broken through the German siege of Leningrad and recaptured much of Ukraine. By the end of 1944, the front had moved beyond the 1939 Soviet frontiers into eastern Europe. With a decisive superiority in troops, Soviet forces drove into eastern Germany, capturing Berlin in May 1945. The war with Germany thus ended triumphantly for the Soviet Union.

Although the Soviet Union was victorious in World War II, its economy had been devastated in the struggle and the war resulted in around 27 million Soviet deaths. About seventy thousand settlements have been destroyed. Ten million Soviet citizens became victims of a repressive policy of Germans and their allies on an occupied territory. Special German Einsatzkommando, Baltic and Ukrainian Collaborators were engaged in genocide of the Soviet Jewish population. The Romanian armies took part in genocide of Jews in occupied Odessa area. During occupation Leningrad region has lost 27 percent of the population, about the fifth part of the population of the Pskov and Novgorod areas have lost. The significant part of Russian population of Karelia died in the Finnish concentration camps. The occupied territories suffered from the ravages of German occupation, deportations of slave labour, as well as the Soviets' own scorched earth tactics in the retreat. It has led to to that millions people on occupied territories were have died because of famine and absence of elementary medical aid. 3.5 million Soviet prisoners of war (of 5.5 million) died in German camps.

Хладни рат

Главни чланак: Хладни рат

Collaboration among the major Allies had won the war and was supposed to serve as the basis for postwar reconstruction and security. However, the conflict between Soviet and U.S. national interests, known as the Cold War, came to dominate the international stage in the postwar period, assuming the public guise as a clash of ideologies.

The Cold War emerged out of a conflict between Stalin and U.S. President Harry Truman over the future of Eastern Europe during the Potsdam Conference in the summer of 1945. Russia had suffered three devastating Western onslaughts in the previous 150 years during the Napoleonic Wars, the First World War, and the Second World War, and Stalin's goal was to establish a buffer zone of states between Germany and the Soviet Union. Truman charged that Stalin had betrayed the Yalta agreement. With Eastern Europe under Red Army occupation, Stalin was also biding his time, as his own atomic bomb project was steadily and secretly progressing.

In April 1949 the United States sponsored the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), a mutual defense pact in which most Western nations pledged to treat an armed attack against one nation as an assault on all. The Soviet Union established an Eastern counterpart to NATO in 1955, dubbed the Warsaw Pact. The division of Europe into Western and Soviet blocs later took on a more global character, especially after 1949, when the U.S. nuclear monopoly ended with the testing of a Soviet bomb and the Communist takeover in China.

The foremost objectives of Soviet foreign policy were the maintenance and enhancement of national security and the maintenance of hegemony over Eastern Europe. The Soviet Union maintained its dominance over the Warsaw Pact through crushing the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, suppressing the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia in 1968, and supporting the suppression of the Solidarity movement in Poland in the early 1980s.

As the Soviet Union continued to maintain tight control over its sphere of influence in Eastern Europe, the Cold War gave way to Détente and a more complicated pattern of international relations in which the world was no longer clearly split into two clearly opposed blocs in the 1970s. Less powerful countries had more room to assert their independence, and the two superpowers were partially able to recognize their common interest in trying to check the further spread and proliferation of nuclear weapons in treaties such as SALT I, SALT II and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.

U.S.-Soviet relations deteriorated following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the 1980 election of Ronald Reagan, a staunch anticommunist, but improved as the Soviet bloc started to unravel in the late 1980s. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia lost the superpower status that it had won in the Second World War.

Хрушчов и Брежњев

Main article: History of the Soviet Union (1953-1985)

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On April 12, 1961, Russian Yuri Gagarin became the first man in space. Here, a crowd in Red Square listens to him speak.

In the power struggle that erupted after Stalin's death in 1953, his closest followers lost out. Nikita Khrushchev solidified his position in a speech before the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party in 1956 detailing Stalin's atrocities and attacking him for promoting a personality cult. As details of his speech became public, Khrushchev accelerated a wide range of reforms. Downplaying Stalin's emphasis on heavy industry, he increased the supply of consumer goods and housing and stimulated agricultural production. The new policies improved the standard of living, although shortages of appliances, clothing, and other consumer durables would increase in later years. The judicial system, albeit still under a complete Communist party control, replaced police terror, and intellectuals had more freedom than before.

On October 4, 1957 Soviet Union launched the first space sattelite Sputnik.

On April 12, 1961, Yuri Gagarin became the first human to travel into space in the Soviet spaceship Vostok 1.

In 1964 Khrushchev was ousted by the Communist Party's Central Committee, charging him with a host of errors that included Soviet setbacks such as the Cuban Missile Crisis and the deepening Sino-Soviet Split. After a brief period of collective leadership, a veteran bureaucrat, Leonid Brezhnev, took Khrushchev's place.

Despite Khrushchev's tinkering with economic planning, the economic system remained dependent on central plans drawn up with no reference to market mechanisms. As a developed industrial country, the Soviet Union by the 1970s found it increasingly difficult to maintain the high rates of growth in the industrial sector that it had enjoyed in earlier years. Increasingly large investment and labor inputs were required for growth, but these inputs were becoming more difficult to obtain, partly because of the new emphasis on production of consumer goods. Although the goals of the five-year plans of the 1970s had been scaled down from previous plans, the targets remained largely unmet. Agricultural development continued to lag in the Brezhnev years.

Although certain appliances and other goods became more accessible during the 1960s and 1970s, improvements in housing and food supply were not sufficient. The growing culture of consumerism and shortages of consumer goods, inherent in a non-market pricing system, encouraged pilferage of government property and the growth of the black market. But, in contrast to the revolutionary spirit that accompanied the birth of the Soviet Union, the prevailing mood of the Soviet leadership at the time of Brezhnev's death in 1982 was one of aversion to change.

Распад СССР-а

Two developments dominated the decade that followed: the increasingly apparent crumbling of the Soviet Union's economic and political structures, and the patchwork attempts at reforms to reverse that process. After the rapid succession of Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, transitional figures with deep roots in Brezhnevite tradition, the relatively young and energetic Mikhail Gorbachev made significant changes in the economy and the party leadership. His policy of glasnost freed public access to information after decades of government repression. But Gorbachev failed to address the systemic crisis of the Soviet system; by 1991, when a plot by government insiders (see August coup) revealed the weakness of Gorbachev's political position, the end of the Soviet Union was in sight.

At the end of World War I, the vast empires of the Ottomans, the Habsburgs, and the Romanovs collapsed, leaving Eastern Europe and Eurasia in turmoil. Only the Russian empire was reconfigured, under Bolshevik leadership. Stalin led it through industrialization and the Nazi onslaught to become a superpower rivaling the United States. Yet the Soviet Union remained essentially an empire, held together by a party rather than tsar. The command economy proved progressively less able to cope with postindustrial technologies and with the demands of the new industrial middle class and well-educated bureaucracy forged under its tutelage. Gorbachev's Perestroika spelled deconstruction of the economy; and glasnost allowed ethnic and nationalist disaffection to reach the surface. When Gorbachev tried to reform the party, he weakened the bonds that held the state and union together.

The emergence of the Russian republic in the Soviet Union

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Gorbachev has accused Boris Yeltsin, his old rival and Russia's first post-Soviet president, of tearing the country apart out of a desire to advance his own personal interests.

Because of the dominant position of Russians in the Soviet Union, most gave little thought to any distinction between Russia and the USSR before the late 1980s. However, the fact that the Soviet regime was dominated by Russians did not mean that the Russian SFSR necessarily benefited from this arrangement. In the Soviet Union, Russia lacked even the paltry instruments of statehood that the other republics possessed, such as its own republic-level Communist Party branch, KGB, trade union council, Academy of Sciences, and the like. The reason of course is that if these organizations had had branches at the level of the Russian SFSR, they would have threatened the power of Union-level structures.

In the late 1980s, Gorbachev underestimated the importance of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic emerging as a second power base to rival the Soviet Union. A Russian nationalist backlash against the Union came with many Russians arguing that Russia had long been subsidizing other republics, which tended to be poorer, with cheap oil, for instance. Demands were growing for Russia to have its own institutions, underdeveloped because of the equation of the Russian republic and the Soviet Union. As Russian nationalism became vocal in the late 1980s, a tension emerged between those who wanted to hold the Russian-dominated Union together and those who wanted to create a strong Russian state.

This tension came to be personified in the bitter power struggle between Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin. Squeezed out of Union politics by Gorbachev in 1987, Yeltsin, an old-style party boss with no dissident background or contacts, needed an alternative platform to challenge Gorbachev. He established it by representing himself as both a Russian nationalist and a committed democrat. In a remarkable reversal of fortunes, he gained election as chairman of the Russian republic's new Supreme Soviet in May 1990, becoming in effect Russia's first directly elected president. The following month, he secured legislation giving Russian laws priority over Soviet laws and withholding two-thirds of the budget.

The August 1991 coup by Communist hardliners was later foiled with the help from Yeltsin. The coup plotters had intended to save the party and the Union; instead, they hastened the demise of both.

The Soviet Union officially broke up on December 25, 1991. The final act of the passage of power from the Soviet Union to Russia was the passing of the briefcases containing codes that would launch the Soviet nuclear arsenal from Gorbachev to Yeltsin.

Руска Федерација

Main article: History of post-Soviet Russia

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The shelling of the Russian White House, October 4, 1993

By the mid-1990s Russia had a system of multiparty electoral politics. But it was harder to establish a representative government because of two structural problems—the struggle between president and parliament and the anarchic party system. Although Yeltsin had won plaudits abroad for casting himself as a democrat to weaken Gorbachev, his conception of the presidency was highly autocratic. He either acted as his own prime minister (until June 1992) or appointed men of his choice, regardless of parliament.

Meanwhile, the profusion of small parties and their aversion to coherent alliances left the legislature chaotic. During 1993, Yeltsin's rift with the parliamentary leadership led to the September–October 1993 constitutional crisis. The crisis climaxed on October 3, when Yeltsin chose a radical solution to settle his dispute with parliament: he called up tanks to shell the Russian White House, blasting out his opponents. As Yeltsin was taking the unconstitutional step of dissolving the legislature, Russia came the closest to serious civil conflict since the revolution of 1917. Yeltsin was then free to impose a constitution with strong presidential powers, which was approved by referendum in December 1993. But the December voting also saw sweeping gains for communists and nationalists, reflecting growing disenchantment with the costs of neoliberal economic reforms.

Although Yeltsin came to power on a wave of optimism, he never recovered his popularity after endorsing Yegor Gaidar's "shock therapy" of ending Soviet-era price controls, drastic cuts in state spending, and an open foreign trade regime in early 1992 (see Russian economic reform in the 1990s). The reforms immediately devastated the living standards of much of the population, especially the groups that had enjoyed the benefits of Soviet-era state-controlled wages and prices, state subsidies, and welfare entitlement programs. In the 1990s Russia suffered an economic downturn more severe than the United States or Germany had undergone six decades earlier in the Great Depression.3

Economic reforms also consolidated a semi-criminal oligarchy with roots in the old Soviet system. Advised by Western governments, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, Russia embarked on the largest and fastest privatization that the world had ever seen. By mid-decade, retail, trade, services, and small industry was in private hands. Most big enterprises were acquired by their old managers, engendering a new rich (Russian oligarchs) in league with criminal mafias or Western investors.4 At the bottom, many workers were forced by inflation or unemployment into poverty, prostitution, or crime. Meanwhile, the central government had lost control of the localities, bureaucracy, and economic fiefdoms; tax revenues had collapsed. Still in deep depression by the mid-1990s, Russia's economy was hit further by the financial crash of 1998.

Nevertheless, reversion to a socialist command economy seemed almost impossible, meeting widespread relief in the West. Russia's economy has also recovered somewhat since 1999, thanks to the rapid rise of the world price of oil, by far Russia's largest export, but still remains far from Soviet-era output levels.

After the 1998 financial crisis, Yeltsin was at the end of his political career. Just minutes before the first day of 2000, Yeltsin made a surprise announcement of his resignation, leaving the government in the hands of the little-known Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, a former KGB official and head of the KGB's post-Soviet successor agency. In 2000, the new acting president easily defeated his opponents in the presidential election on March 26, winning on the first ballot. In 2004 he was reelected with 71 percent of the vote and his allies won legislative elections, but with international and domestic observers citing flaws. International observers were even more alarmed by late 2004 moves to further tighten the presidency's control over parliament, civil society, and regional officeholders.

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